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By Lealaiauloto Aigaletaulealea Tauafiafi West Papua is one of five priority items confirmed for Pacific leaders to discuss and decide on a course of action when they meet in Papua New Guinea next month. A visit by a West Papuan leader last week to Wellington failed to jiggle New Zealand’s position out in the open. A view to the government’s position heading to the leaders’ summit would have been invaluable for West Papua’s freedom movement as it calls on Pacific leaders to set up a fact-finding mission to send to Indonesia. If leaders agree, it would be a major step forward in the Melanesian population’s 40-plus year fight for political recognition as the way to restore their independence and fundamental right to self-determination. Mr Octovianus Mote, the head for the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) was in Wellington last week hoping to get a view to the New Zealand government’s position, whether it would support West Papua’s call for a fact-finding mission. “West Papua has had 53 years of human rights violations and there is an ongoing genocide. There are so many academic reports and human rights reports about it,” said Mr Mote. “We are really calling for the Forum to form a fact-finding commission and to conduct a human rights assessment of West Papua.” But even though Mr Mote spoke at the Beehive last week at a function organised by the Green party, there was a lack of government representation and the overwhelming silence on West Papua failed to shine a light on the government’s possible stance. Even a list of Pacific Guardians queries on the West Papua issue sent to Pacific Peoples minister Peseta Sam Lotu-I’iga failed to get a response. It indicates the high level of sensitivity around multiple issues likely to be thrashed out by leaders at the PNG summit such as the watered down climate change positions for both New Zealand and Australia; the calls by Fiji for New Zealand and Australia to resign from the Forum ensuring a tinder box environment heightened by the inclusion of West Papua and Indonesia in the mix, especially with host PNG supporting West Papua. However, Labour’s Pacific spokesperson, Su’a William Sio told Pacific Guardians that a conversation he had with National MP Alfred Ngaro Friday last week indicates that the government has “taken up a position [on West Papua]”. “As co-chair of the multiparty Parliamentary Friendship Group, I have spoken to Alfred that I would like someone from the region to come and speak to parliamentarians on the issue of West Papua. Alfred said he can get someone from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. I said that’s fine but we also need a Pacific person from the region,” Su’a said. “But Alfred’s answer, confirming that someone from Foreign Affairs can present to the group indicates to me that the government has taken up a position.” Su’a did not confirm when the West Papua presentation is likely to take place – that he’s asked Green MP and West Papua advocate Ms Catherine Delahunty to find a Pasifika speaker from the region to speak to the group. Su’a added, “We are also caught up in our own issues that I’m sure most people in New Zealand will not believe that there is still this kind of goings in West Papua in this day and age – that the Indonesian government is allowing this kind of behavior to go on and the Western world does not seem to take notice.” INFORMATION ABOUT WEST PAPUA SITUATION West Papua has been subjected to a brutal repression by the Indonesians since 1962. Prior to that, the island of New Guinea (the eastern half now known as Papua New Guinea and the western half now known as West Papua) as well as Indonesia had been Dutch colonies until Indonesia’s own war of independence in 1949. In 1936 while still under Dutch rule an erstberg (ore mountain) was discovered in the southwest region of New Guinea, and in 1959 alluvial gold was found just off the West Papuan coast. Another massive ore mountain was yet to be discovered deep in the West Papuan forest. In the 1950s, plans were made by the Dutch to prepare for withdrawal including plans for West Papua to revert to indigenous rule by 1972. Despite a West Papuan congress on independence in 1961 and the raising of the national “Morning Star” flag, Indonesia had claimed New Guinea as part of its territory. A United Nations intervention resulted in the New York Agreement in 1962 which placed the territory in UN trusteeship (without consent of the population) and required that West Papuans hold an independence vote under UN supervision. But by the time the vote was conducted in 1969 the Indonesian military had handpicked 1,026 representatives to vote on behalf of the entire population. Having been threatened with the death of their families the vote was unanimous for Indonesian rule. The so-called “Act of Free Choice” is known to this day by indigenous West Papuans as the “act of no choice.” When the West Papuans were making plans for independence in 1961, unbeknownst to either they or the Dutch, then-Indonesian army general Suharto was negotiating a mining deal with the American mining company Freeport-McMoRan Copper and Gold. Subsequent discoveries resulted in the notorious Grasberg mine one of the largest reserves of copper and gold in the world—and is today at the center of the conflict between Indonesia and West Papua. The Free West Papua Movement claims that over 500,000 civilian West Papuans have been killed to date. Source: Pacific Guardians
After six year, the issue of West Papua will surfaced again at the regional Pacific islands leaders’ forum. The last time the key regional political unit of the Pacific talked about West Papua was back in 2009 during the 40th Pacific islands forum (PIF) which took place in Cairns, Australia. During that forum, there was lobbying for West Papua to be given observer status, and there was also was small talk amongst leaders to consider the idea. In past years, the forum has noted its concern about the growing human rights abuses in West Papua. However, the 40th PIF communiqué had no mention of West Papua because of pressure from Australia to keep it off the forum’s agenda. This time around the 46th Pacific leaders’ forum scheduled from the 7th to the 11th of September in Port Moresby (Papua New Guinea) will challenge our island leaders. The issue of West Papua is one of top five priority issues on the leader’s agenda. The challenge remains for the region’s top players such as PNG and Fiji who share the same foreign stance as Australia and New Zealand, respecting the sovereignty of Indonesia.
The United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) together with solidarity groups in the Pacific including Australia and New Zealand are calling on our leaders to send a human rights fact finding mission to West Papua. The ULMWP’s Secretary General, Octovianus Mote, said he is hoping our Pacific leaders will not object this humanitarian fact-finding mission. Mr Mote told Radio New Zealand International recently that the mission must seek an independent, multi-disciplinary group. “So, not only government delegations but really with human rights experts, journalists, so it can really dig into what’s happened in West Papua in the past 53 years. Otherwise, we West Papuans are crying for the creeping genocide that’s taking place.” Vanuatu and the Solomon Islands have made known their support for West Papua. Current chair of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG), Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare said the Solomon Islands Government has appointed a special envoy on West Papua to look into regional and international issues relating to West Papua. Prime Minister Tuilaepa Sa’ilele Malielegaoi has also made the assurance to the ULMWP that Samoa will be supporting West Papua’s plea. Five top priority issues will now make the agenda for the Pacific Island Leaders’ summit in Port Moresby, PNG, next month. Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat has presented the five priority issues for leaders to address in regards to greater regionalism. The issues were identified by the recently created Specialist Sub-Committee on Regionalism and have been presented to the Forum Officials Committee who met in Suva last week. Sub-Committee called for public proposals and received 68 proposals.
PIF Secretary General Dame Meg Taylor says the issues raised reflected community expectations of the role Forum leaders could play. The five issues are increased economic returns from fisheries and maritime surveillance; climate change and disaster risk management; information and communication technology; West Papua and cervical cancer. By Sally Andrews
Lowy Institute’s Melanesia Program As the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) prepares to discuss West Papua’s latest bid for membership, the ‘Papuan problem‘ poses a significant challenge to Melanesian states, who tread a fine line between responding to regional human rights concerns and managing relations with Indonesia. Recent outcry surrounding West Papuan activist Benny Wenda’s unexpected arrival and removal from PNG demonstrates just how fraught the issue has become. When Papua New Guinea Prime Minister Peter O’Neill acknowledged human rights concerns in the Papuan provinces in a public speech in February 2015, questions were raised about the implications for PNG’s relationship with Indonesia and its position within the Melanesian Spearhead Group. The MSG’s instrumental role in raising the profile of New Caledonia’s Kanak independence movement has prompted Papuan activists to recognise the significance of MSG membership. Hoping to gain a regional platform from which serious human rights, sovereignty and development concerns in the Papuan provinces can be raised, West Papua submitted an unsuccessful application to the Group in October 2013. One of the key issues impeding Papuan representation is the leverage exercised by Indonesia within the MSG. Indonesia submitted a membership application in 2010, and despite strong opposition from Vanuatu, Indonesia won observer status in 2011 with the help of Fiji Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama, then Chairman of the MSG’s Leader Summit, and the support of Sir Michael Somare, then Prime Minister of PNG. Enabling Indonesian membership has strengthened Fiji’s relationship with Indonesia but has alienated Vanuatu and deepened perceptions that Indonesian participation has jeopardised Papuan chances of representation. Before votes were cast on the Papuan application in 2013, the Indonesian foreign minister suggested that the MSG undertake a fact-finding visit to Papua to investigate human rights concerns. Vanuatu boycotted the visit and repudiated the statement released in January 2014 by the remaining MSG foreign ministers, who resolved to uphold respect for Indonesia’s territorial sovereignty. Maintaining a commitment to non-interference in Indonesian domestic affairs and supporting Papuans’ ‘inalienable rights’ towards self-determination seems likely to generate problems for the MSG in 2015. Fiji and PNG have vested interests in maintaining good relations with Indonesia, with growing investment, military and trade links providing a tense backdrop to discussions concerning Papua. Indonesian sensitivity about Papuan independence has only increased since Timor Leste’s independence in 2002. There are real concerns about the potential for diplomatic and commercial blowback that may face Fiji and PNG as the price of supporting Papuan membership. Lack of cohesion between the West Papuan National Council for Liberation (WPNCL) and the rest of the independence movement has also impeded the membership bid. Comprised of 28 political parties and NGOs, the WPNCL’s claim to represent 2.5 million West Papuans was rejected on grounds that too few of the organisations were based in Papua, raising speculation that the bid was being driven by sympathisers in the West at the expense of grassroots participation. A second application has since been submitted by a new, larger and more representative umbrella coalition, the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP). Led by spokesperson Benny Wenda, the ULMWP application will be discussed at the official 20th Leaders’ Summit in Honiara in July 2015. Having addressed problems in the WPNCL application, reception of ULMWP’s bid is still difficult to predict. Vanuatu has a long history of Papuan advocacy, promoting Papuan membership in both the MSG and the Pacific Islands Forum, whilst FLNKS is also a strong supporter. The host of this year’s MSG Summit, Solomon Islands Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare, has commented on the need for the MSG to assume leadership on human rights in Papua, but his position on the membership application is unclear. Fiji, significantly, is yet to take a position. As for PNG, Prime Minister O’Neill’s statement may yet prove the game changer for the MSG; whilst PNG’s Foreign Minister Rimbink Pato ‘clarified’ O’Neill’s February statement by re-asserting that PNG held full support for Indonesia, O’Neill subsequently urged Indonesia to support Papuan membership. One important factor in the mix is the diplomatic tension between PNG and Fiji. Hints that the PNG leadership is becoming more sympathetic are unlikely to prompt support for Papuan membership from Fiji. Having championed Indonesia’s application in 2011, the Fiji leadership may judge that its interests lie in declining to make a decision whilst further strengthening relations with Indonesia. PNG may pursue the Papuan cause solely as a human rights issue. As the host of the next Pacific Islands Forum leaders’ meeting in September 2015, PNG may seek to avoid any impression of disunity at a sub-regional level. In either case, it is entirely possible that the Papuan application will be left to flounder, trumped by the interests of the two most influential Melanesian states. Meanwhile, advocacy from civil society groups across the Pacific Islands is contributing to a perception that there is growing popular support for Papuan representation. Groups such as the Pacific Council of Churches, Free West Papua Campaign, Peace Movement Aotearoa, Pacific Network on Globalisation and We Bleed Black and Red have been mounting public protests, emphasising the public interest in the Papuan cause to political leaders. Support for West Papua is mounting within Fiji itself, with domestic pressure bearing upon Bainimarama from the Fiji Solidarity Movement, Fiji Council of Churches and even Fiji Rugby Union. This activism may yet prompt the Prime Minister to take the risk of offending Indonesia by supporting Papuan membership, if only as a means to capture popular sentiment. The deepening military ties between the two nations, however, in addition to apparent silence on the Papuan issue at the 1st March meetings between the Indonesian and Fijian Foreign Ministers, has left supporters of the application in doubt. Difficult decisions lie ahead for the members of the Melanesian Spearhead Group, who must weigh the value of relationships with Indonesia against the opportunity to recognise West Papuans, potentially do something about persistent human rights concerns and also capitalise on the emergence of a strong popular Melanesian regional identity. |
AuthorYoungsolwara Pacific Archives
June 2019
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